Suchergebnisse

A symposium contribution focuses on key issues in debates about gender quotas, especially on the level of discourse where political "problems" & "solutions" are identified, conceptualized, & legitimized. Debates over gender quotas challenge the norms of political justice at two levels: the redistribution of seats; & the discursive reframing of concepts in order to make quotas an acceptable "solution" to a recognized problem. Quota debates are explored as sites of "struggle for the redefinition of the relation between gender, justice, & the political." The benefits of using discourse-analytical approaches for analyzing the processes of problematization, categorization, & legitimation are pointed out, along with the usefulness of exploring quota debates as part of a wider political context. Contextual elements that could be addressed include the institutional & normative framework in which the debates occur; other issues gender debates are linked to; & the relation between these debates & wider projects of democratization & modernization. The rich potential of comparative analyzes of gender quota debates is emphasized. References. J. Lindroth

We study the impact of gender quotas on the acquisition of human capital. We assume that individuals' formation of human capital is influenced by the prospect of landing high-pay top positions, and that these positions are regulated by gender-specific quotas. In the absence of quotas, women consider their chances of getting top positions to be lower than men's. The lure of top positions induces even men of relatively low ability to engage in human capital formation, whereas women of relatively high ability do not expect to get top positions and do not therefore engage in human capital formation. Gender quotas discourage men who are less efficient in forming human capital, and encourage women who are more efficient in forming human capital. We provide a condition under which the net result of the institution of gender quotas is an increase in human capital in the economy as a whole.

Reviews arguments on gender quotas, norms, & politics, observing as well that quotas bear a variety of productive implications that most of the existing research has insufficiently theorized. Moreover, it is demonstrated that increasingly, states are implementing gender quotas despite these conventional normative objections. These phenomena suggest a broader range of political initiatives for enlarging female representation, & in fact indicate a more diverse transformation in international norms to bolster gender-equitable decision-making. The case of the US, which is among the few nations in which some global changes are not registering, is also analyzed. References. K. Coddon

This article applies a broader, more holistic, less technically oriented approach to gender quotas in China. It places gender quotas in the historical context of China's political development, delineates the silhouette of the overall political change over time and maps out the fluctuation of ideological and structural conditions for gender equality and hence gender quotas. The article shows how the validity of gender quotas depends on the coupling of women's status to the Party's overall political agenda and how the coupling has been a rather unstable one, leading to a swing between a strong tailwind on an occasion and a strong headwind on another. This 'big picture', the author argues, clears the ground for understanding quotas in the Chinese context and is the first step towards a solid and well-grounded study of the technical aspects of gender quotas in China.

International audience ; Gender quotas have proliferated worldwide as a major tool of gender equality policies, first in the electoral arena and then expanding to other socioeconomic spheres, notably corporate boards. The ensuing rich body of scientific literature on gender quotas so far remains split across disciplines, with a main partition between political science and economics. This scoping review aims at fostering an interdisciplinary dialogue between research on gender quotas conducted from different disciplinary and methodological perspectives. To this effect, we compiled an original bibliographical database of 379 peer-reviewed articles, which we coded according to a series of variables including discipline, geographical area, quota domain, methodology and research question. Drawing on this database, this review presents an overview of the main findings regarding the genesis and the impact of this policy tool, and offers ideas for the further development of interdisciplinary quota research.

International audience ; Gender quotas have proliferated worldwide as a major tool of gender equality policies, first in the electoral arena and then expanding to other socioeconomic spheres, notably corporate boards. The ensuing rich body of scientific literature on gender quotas so far remains split across disciplines, with a main partition between political science and economics. This scoping review aims at fostering an interdisciplinary dialogue between research on gender quotas conducted from different disciplinary and methodological perspectives. To this effect, we compiled an original bibliographical database of 379 peer-reviewed articles, which we coded according to a series of variables including discipline, geographical area, quota domain, methodology and research question. Drawing on this database, this review presents an overview of the main findings regarding the genesis and the impact of this policy tool, and offers ideas for the further development of interdisciplinary quota research.

International audience ; Gender quotas have proliferated worldwide as a major tool of gender equality policies, first in the electoral arena and then expanding to other socioeconomic spheres, notably corporate boards. The ensuing rich body of scientific literature on gender quotas so far remains split across disciplines, with a main partition between political science and economics. This scoping review aims at fostering an interdisciplinary dialogue between research on gender quotas conducted from different disciplinary and methodological perspectives. To this effect, we compiled an original bibliographical database of 379 peer-reviewed articles, which we coded according to a series of variables including discipline, geographical area, quota domain, methodology and research question. Drawing on this database, this review presents an overview of the main findings regarding the genesis and the impact of this policy tool, and offers ideas for the further development of interdisciplinary quota research.

The global spread of electoral gender quotas has been characterized as one of the most significant institutional developments of the last 30 years. Many of the countries that have adopted these laws designed to increase women's political representation are electoral autocracies that have otherwise-stark gender inequalities. Some scholars argue that electoral authoritarian states have adopted quotas as a strategy for improving their international reputations for democracy. This article represents the first exploration of whether quotas really generate reputational boosts. Using large-scale survey experiments in Sweden and the United States concerning hypothetical developing countries, we find that they do. In particular, audiences perceived electoral autocracies as more democratic and were more likely to support giving them foreign aid when women's descriptive representation was greater. Beyond its contribution to our understanding of gender quotas and women's representation, this article contributes to broader debates about international reputation, human rights, and foreign aid attitudes.

The introduction of mandatory gender quotas in party lists is a reform that many countries have recently adopted or have been considering. The electoral system affects the incumbents' incentives to make such reforms, their details, and their effectiveness. We show that male incumbents can actually expect an increased incumbency advantage when gender quotas are introduced, if they are elected through single-member district majority rule. On the other hand, no expectation of male advantage can reduce the incumbents' fear of being replaced if they are elected through closed-list proportional representation. As France has both electoral systems, we validate the above argument using a formal model of constitutional design as well as an empirical analysis of the legislative elections in France, displaying the existence of male bias in the last three elections. We also show that parity may have Assembly composition effects and policy effects that vary with the electoral system. Adapted from the source document.

This text is a theory-building and comparative exercise in elaborating concepts commonly used to analyze the broad impacts of gender quotas. Using a conceptual framework based upon descriptive, substantive and symbolic dimensions of representation, the book presents case studies from 12 countries.